KOSOVO

Trying to Bridge Two Worlds

by Ifigenia Pilatou and Barbara Treichl

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As part of our Human Rights Masters program, we went on a field trip in January 2017 to the newborn Kosovo. We knew we had to stay mindful and open for an incredibly unique experience, one that would change and challenge our way of thinking. On 17 February 2008, Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia, thereby becoming a disputed and partially recognised entity in South-Eastern Europe. The field trip’s aim was to experience first-hand some of the concepts we had previously learned in class, but also to understand the different sides of a conflict, how institutions function in this context  (or do not) and to live alongside local families, interact with people who live and experience this situation everyday from various perspectives. We had the opportunity to meet with government authorities, representatives of the civil society and of international and regional organisations, students and educators, journalists and activists.

Political Scenery and Corruption

One of the first meetings we attended was an interesting presentation from Albin Kurti, a controversial, well-known public figure in Kosovo. He is the leader of a radical political party named Vetëvendosje. The presentation overall was based on a mixture of radical, albeit well-analysed arguments about the obstacles Kosovo faces. His presentation started with a documentary about Kosovo’s situation and the corrupt government, but it was mainly focusing on him and the achievements of his party. At the beginning of the film, while listening to his powerful speech in the parliament, we thought that finally someone is speaking truly and for the sake of the people. However, while we kept on watching, the curtain was drawn completely and the image became clear. It was provocative propaganda about how he is fighting the government’s corruption. Even though there is tension between both parties, politicians and responsible figures have a duty to create cooperation between everyone for the sake of the newborn Kosovo, for which they are all fighting. The only things that can be gained from using hate speech are claps and chants. Albin Kurti may be suitable for Kosovo’s current situation, but in the future or in the scenario of him becoming prime minister, the situation will turn problematic. People should try to choose their representatives carefully and patiently, while filtering their promises.

We also attended a meeting with the vice president of the “Alliance for the Future of Kosovo” (AAK) party, one of the largest parties in Kosovo. The vice president was a well-known businessman. Politics have changed somehow, as the new political elite owns the economy and sometimes its members don’t have the necessary qualifications to run the political side of a country. When we asked him about the party’s program, he began talking about economic projects for Kosovo. What he didn’t talk about is the high youth percentage and how he can make good use of this. Neither did he speak of the high levels of unemployment, combating corruption and the need for building a well-functioning society. These economic plans are not addressing the current needs and problems of Kosovo. Kosovo is the 95th least corrupt nation out of 175 countries, and even though this is the best ranking it got over the last 6 years, it is still not acceptable. Officials should step in to make a change. Corruption constitutes a big part of Kosovo especially in the sphere of elections and political parties.

One of the first things that is striking about Kosovo is how young the majority of the population is. In fact, 70% of the population is younger than 35 years old, making Kosovo one of the youngest cities in Europe. This poses a great challenge bearing in mind that the unemployment rates are high, especially among young people, and that frustration about the future leads most young people to hope for a better life elsewhere. On the other hand, a young population presents a unique opportunity and driving force to move forward, leaving the past behind and focusing on a post-conflict welfare.

Such a driving force and a hope for the future was reflected upon the meeting with the Youth Initiative for Human Rights. The Youth Initiative for Human Rights is a regional network of NGOs created in 2003 by young people, with the hope of facilitating active dialogue among young generations and promoting the process of democratisation and the protection of Human Rights. The organisation is really active in raising awareness creatively about pressing matters of the communities, tackling issues such as corruption, the situation of missing persons and by facilitating dialogue between the young post-conflict generations through student exchange programs and trainings about Human Rights. Through this meeting we felt that young people have the power and the will to create an inclusive and democratic society, by leaving behind the problems of the past. In comparison to other meetings we had, the message of hope was clear and loud.

UNHCR presence in Kosovo started in 1992 with the purpose of assisting refugees seeking protection and humanitarian aid and support displaced persons before the conflict in 1999. Kosovo is a transit country and therefore, although there are some people applying for asylum to get protection and accommodation, usually they prefer not to stay in Kosovo, but rather move to other European countries. This is understandable as Kosovo is still in the process of reconstruction. As far as statelessness is concerned, over 15.000 people at risk of statelessness due to the on-going conflicts in the region received personal identity documents from UNHCR. Registering people and providing birth certificates is an essential part of that process. An important part of UNHCR’s duties is supervising the return of displaced persons. From 2000 until 2016 approximately 28.000 people belonging to minorities voluntarily returned to Kosovo, but according to UNHCR’s statistics, there are still 16.000 persons displaced inside of Kosovo. Over the years UNHCR has spent over US$ 240 million to help over 1 million displaced persons. What is striking is that in the past, different institutions – among them UNHCR and IOM – offered different assistance packages – only housing or housing and furniture or economic assistance- to displaced people who want to return, leading to tensions and feelings of dissatisfaction among them. In general, though, the work of UNHCR is slowly shrinking, which means that authorities will be on the one hand ready to have a functioning asylum and protection system and on the other hand capable to run it by themselves.

Prizren is the most tolerant town in Kosovo, as it is the most ethnically diverse town in the whole country. Though there are still some human rights violations, mainly pertaining to linguistic and security issues, the overall situation seems to be pretty good in comparison to other cities. The main ethnic groups living in Prizren are Albanians, Bosniaks, Turks, Roma and Serbs. We visited the Serbian Orthodox Church of Saint George, the Mosque Sinan Pasha and the Catholic Church in Prizren. While talking to the clerics of the different represented religions, we soon got the impression that its inhabitants are living peacefully side by side, no matter which religious beliefs they follow. All in all, the multicultural situation in Prizren leads to more acceptance and tolerance of other ethnic groups.

Our day trip to Mitrovica on the last day of our Kosovo visit was probably the most intense experience we got from this journey. In the morning we met with students of the International Business Collage Mitrovica. The fact that the IBCM has two campuses, one in the North and one in the South of Mitrovica, showed how divided this city is. In the afternoon, when we had a meeting with an NGO called “NGO Aktiv”, they gave us an in-depth look to the whole division of Mitrovica into two parts. Serbian students of IBCM go to the campus in the North of Mitrovica and Albanian students of IBCM to the South. Each ethnic group has their own language, currency (Dinar for Serbs and Euro for Albanians), hospitals, and even passports. Not to mention that marriages of Serbs in the North are not recognized in the South and vice versa. Between the South and the North of Mitrovica flows a river called Ibar, which formally divides the city into these two parts.

We can say that one can still feel the tensions between Kosovo-Albanians and Kosovo-Serbs in the whole country, and a reconciliation of these two ethnic groups seems difficult. There is no good and evil part, they’re two different groups with their own culture, language, tradition and most importantly history, which influences their attitude the most.

While being in Kosovo, we realized that in order to build a nation you need to have a clear image about what this nation is. Kosovo hasn’t found its identity yet. Even Kosovo’s flag, which was supposed to be ethnically inclusive (portraying in a blue background the country’s map in gold and six stars, which represent its main ethnic components) is not widely accepted. People don’t identify themselves with this flag or with the Kosovar identity; both lack an emotional effect on people. Walking through the streets of Kosovo, we couldn’t help but notice that the Kosovar flag was usually accompanied by the Albanian flag. That was depicted, for example, in the meeting with the Mayor of Pristina, Sphend Ahmeti, held in the auditorium of the City Hall, where Albanian flags were scattered throughout the whole building, even more so than the actual Kosovo flag, or the city flag, for that matter. When the mayor was confronted about it, he openly and proudly stated, that it was his free choice to plant the Albanian flag, as he came from the Albanian community and that Pristina is a majority Albanian city. This was something hard to understand for many of us. Displaying another state’s official flag in a public building as an identity symbol does not help in building a common identity or moving forward to establish an inclusive polyethnic society. Change is a slow and sometimes even painful process, which is highly dependent on various factors and actors. Kosovo is a good example of a post-conflict nation trying to establish itself, internally and externally, while balancing international presence on the ground. One thing was though clear, Kosovarians don’t share a common identity and a common understanding, they identify themselves as Albanians, Serbians or other nationalities. That can have a detrimental effect and a huge impact on the process of building a common future where respect for each other and the notion of the common good prevail. And after this whole week spent in Kosovo, we have to admit, that we came back to Vienna with more questions than answers